INTRODUCTION
The developing countries over the years have been lobbying for a United Nations Conference on Financing For Developing (FFD). There were several factors that influenced their interest. During the decades of the 1980s and 1990s, the UN organized various international conferences and summits that dealt with global economic and social policies. The UN has taken a consistent interest in the problems of poverty and development over the years. However, while governments negotiated agreements and made commitments, many were not kept, both in the North and the South. For example, developed countries had promised to commit 0.7% of the GNP to overseas foreign aid. Only about half a dozen countries met the agreement. Southern governments promised to deal effectively with corruption, ensure efficient systems for the administration of justice and allocate more resources to education, health and social services as a whole. Most of them fell far short of those goals. The policies and programs negotiated at the UN Conferences were laudable in many respects but there was an absence of will to effect policy shifts and in providing the financial resources to implement effective agreements needed. At the end of the Cold War, the IMF, WB, and WTO eclipsed the UN on the global stage. These multilateral institutions dominated by the G7 countries declared Neo-Liberalism/Washington Consensus as the path forward for the development of countries in the global south and transition economies’ countries in Eastern and Central Europe. Financial assistance and development plans were designed in Washington, DC and their implementation were micro-managed by IMF/WB staff, many of whom were limited by their lack of experience in the real world. The programs the IMF/WB offered were accompanied by numerous conditionalities that were directed against the poor, workers, women, children, small and medium sized businesses.

Workers and the poor took to the streets to protest the policies and measures that emanated from their governments national budgets. The governments, in response explained to their populations that they had no choice, but to carryout IMF/WB policies or they ran the risk of not receiving financial assistance and a good credit rating in the international financial markets. As the years went by, the countries of G77 (developing south) met in their conferences and severely criticized polices of the multilateral institutions. At the same time, their finance ministers on behalf of the said governments endorsed the IMF/WB policies in Washington, DC. As such, the Conference of Financing For Development (FFD) fuelled the expectation that since the IMF /WB /WTO were participating in the process of negotiations and the conference, that fundamental reforms of the multilaterals would be agreed to.

In light of the failure of IMF/WB policies as was demonstrated by the Mexican, Asian, Brazilian, Russian, Argentinean crises and the deepening of poverty around the globe, NGOs and trade unions lobbied for a policy-shift away from Neo-liberalism/ Washington Consensus, reforms of the multilaterals, increased aid, an anti-corruption treaty, trade access for developing countries, labor rights, gender equality and a new human rights driven global development architecture with concrete action plans to be implemented with targets and timeframes.

THE NEGOTIATING PROCESS
The UN/ECOSOC organized a number of PrepComs (Preparatory Committee Negotiating Meetings) in New York and carried out numerous hearings and consultations with civil society actors. The multilateral institutions (IMF/ WB/ WTO) and UN agencies like UNCTAD and UNDP also participated as stakeholders. The NGOs including the WCL and ICFTU monitored the negotiations and lobbied the governments extensively. The NGOs also organized a special one-day dialogue with the G77 to explore areas of coincidence in order to advance the vital interests of the workers, poor and women in the developing south.

The negotiations were very difficult. The three major players were the European Union (representing 15 nation-states), Juss Cannz (USA, Japan, Switzerland, Canada, Australia, Norway, New Zealand, Iceland, Mexico and sometimes Korea) and G77 + China (representing 140 developing countries). The first draft document to a large extent emphasized the urgency to achieve the Millennium Development Goals with its 2015 targets. The G77 + China viewed the document in general terms as a basis for negotiations. The EU tried to link the document to the WTO-DOHA ministerial outcome with the hope of advancing its trade agenda. Then, the USA after 9/11 insisted that development is the task of the private sector and the developing countries should implement “capitalism and freedom of business and increased financial assistance and reform of the international economic institutions should be scrapped.”

Subsequently, the first draft document was abandoned and a new draft was produced which institutionalized the status quo. A document was prepared called the Monterrey Consensus. It did not advocate a policy shift in development strategy reforms of the multilateral institutions, a commitment to increased aid, trade access, and there was no ringing endorsement of labor, gender and human rights. In short, there were no real deliverables in the Monterrey Consensus and expectations for the Conference in Mexico floundered. The trade unions and NGOs were particularly displeased that their inputs in various consultations, hearings and lobbying were absent from the document. Civil society was once more ignored. In spite of this, the WCL, ICFTU and NGOs decided to go to Mexico to support the NGO Global Forum and to monitor the official conference.

THE CONFERENCE
At the conference, there were no negotiations. The governments merely ratified the document called the Monterrey Consensus. As criticisms heightened around the World that the conference will offer nothing, the President of the USA made a commitment to increase aid by $10 billion per year. He, however, tied his offer to three conditions: good governance in the developing countries, a major role for the private sector and investments in health and education. Later, the EU offered approximately $7 billion in aid.

During the Conference, Trade Unions and NGOs were allowed to participate in Roundtables at which, was present Heads and Ministers of Governments, officials from UN agencies and the multilateral institutions. Prior to the official conference, the NGOs had a well-organized three-day conference where the Monterrey Consensus was thoroughly analyzed. There were also numerous events organized in which intensive debates occurred between officials from the UN, the multilateral institutions and NGOs.

As a member of the International Solidarity Committee (ISC) that supported the Mexican Organizing Committee, I spoke at the opening of the Forum. The brief remarks that follow reflect largely the views of the NGOs and Trade Unions. Later at the Roundtable on Partnership, I made a brief statement on behalf of the World Confederation of Labor (WCL). The Roundtable was ably co-chaired by the Minister of Finance of Pakistan and the Head of the UNDP. The participants included former President Jimmy Carter who made a plea for Africa in particular, and for increased aid in general. The Development Minister of Holland called on the UN to monitor how the developed countries are implementing their commitments. The Guyana Minister of Foreign Affairs called for increased aid and spoke of the urgency for a New Global Human Order. The Minister of Ireland spoke of a model of development aid advanced by her country and highlighted its success. There were numerous excellent interventions, but unfortunately, none could have influenced the Monterrey Consensus since it was already sealed. My remarks at the Roundtable are also reproduced here.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS AT THE NGO FORUM
“We stop today, this week, and the next in this beautiful city of Monterrey, Nuevo León, of this great Republic of Mexico. This land in which the ‘Azteca’ civilization flourished before Columbus and others invaded, destroyed and pillaged.

We stop today to outstretch a hand of solidarity and to draw inspiration from the workers, poor, women and children of Mexico, and Nations around the world who suffer from the theories and policies of neoliberalism and the infamous Washington Consensus.

This is yet another stop in the long march towards the day when we will live in a world free of poverty, injustices, discrimination and exploitation.

We are here today, as we were Beijing and Beijing+5 special session, the Social Summit of Copenhagen, and Copenhagen+5, the Conference for the least developed countries, the Dialogue among civilizations, the Millennium Summit, Seattle and DOHA, engaging the WTO, Washington and Prague, engaging the World Bank and the IMF, Porto Alegre, and we will be in Washington again this spring to hold wakes for the WB and IMF Neoliberal/Washington Consensus model, the Earth Summit in Rio, and we will be again in South Africa in September to make still another stop to continue the struggle to save the earth from abuse and destruction.

We are here because over two years ago, we participated in a policy-making process at the UN, and at hearings in various regions, which were intended to produce an agreement among the governments on new initiatives, policies and programs that would constitute a frontal attack on poverty on Earth.

We are here to report to you and the world that we are profoundly displeased with the outcome of the so-called ‘Monterrey Consensus’.

We are here because in the negotiations leading up to this conference, the governments of Europe surrendered to unilateralism; because G77 and China did not fight the fight on behalf of the Global South.

We are here because, we (NGO’s) were left out of the Monterrey Consensus. Our proposals were not included.

We are here because the Monterrey Consensus offers nothing, as yet, that indicates that we will achieve any of the Millennium goals by 2015.

We are here because the Neoliberalism – Washington Consensus have failed and is in deep crisis. We have the example of the worst forms of corruption and abuse of power in the Enron Corporation.

The Secretary of the Treasury of the United States has accused the World Bank of disseminating false data on the successes in poverty reduction. If the U. S. Treasury does not trust the World Bank, why should the poor of the world?

We are here because the poor, workers, women, children, nation-states in the Global South and the so-called transition economies countries are not better off than 30 years ago.

We are here because we remember those who suffered and continue to suffer in Mexico, Thailand, Indonesia, Brazil and Russia in the many crises of neoliberalism.

Yes, yes, we are here to remind the world that Argentina is burning under the fire of the IMF/WB policies, neoliberalism and the Washington Consensus.

We are here because the five members of the Security Council produce more arms and weapons of mass destruction than all the nations on earth.

We are here because the G7 industrially rich countries preach free trade but maintain high tariffs and deny market access to the nation-states of the Global South. They raise tariffs when it is in their national interest but deny poor countries the same right.

We are here to demand debt forgiveness across the board.

We are here to demand the fundamental reforms of the IMF/WB and the WTO.

We are here to defend, promote and advance workers rights, labor and environmental standards, gender equality and human rights.

We are here to demand globalization from below, globalization with real democratic development.

We are here because we recognize that the informal economy is far worse than the subsistence economy. We demand decent work with all our rights to the best health standards.

We are here to challenge this conference with our alternative proposals.

We are here to remind the powers that be, be they governments or corporations that they can run but they cannot hide. Wherever they go, we will be there.

We are here to give hope to recommit ourselves to the ideals of a humane, better and just world.

We are here to recall that in all forms of slavery across human history, that there were those who were co-opted, those who adapted, those who ran away, those who committed suicide, and most important, we remember those who resisted. We, all here today, are in the tradition of resistance. We hold the baton that has been passed on by those before us who kept alive and alight, the hope for a better world.

On behalf of the International Solidarity Committee (ISC), I salute you all. I extend a warm welcome to all at this Global Forum: Financing the Right to Sustainable and Equitable Development.

Compañeros y compañeras de Nuevo León y la ciudad de Monterrey, es cierto que Nuevo León está en este momento en los ojos del mundo. Muchísimas gracias por su hospitalidad, cariño y atención en general.

¡Viva México! ¡Viva la Sociedad Civil Global!”

REMARKS AT THE ROUNDTABLE
“CO-CHAIRS:
The report of our members and affiliates is that, the majority of humanity is excluded from real participation in decision-making at every level of society.

The multilateral institutions particularly, the IMF, World Bank and WTO manage enormous resources under the direction and influence of the G7 Governments, which are in partnership with the transnational corporations. These institutions have usurped the right of nation-states to define their development strategies. They have formulated and micro-managed policies in the global south and transition economy countries to the detriment of workers and the poor.

Their policies have failed and resulted in the world moving from one economic and social crisis to another. The world urgently needs the forging of new partnerships that are inclusive of labor and civil society in general. WCL on its initiative has engaged the multilateral institutions consistently during this decade but we have serious reservations about the quality of dialogue and the disposition of these institutions to incorporate our inputs into the formulation and implementation of global economic and social policies at all levels of society. We recommend:

1. That the dialogue with multilateral institutions be redefined through negotiations with labor, and civil society stake holders in general, beyond public relations to real and effective participation in the formulation and implementation of economic, financial, social, and governance policies at all levels of society.
2. That multilateral institutions, allocate financial resources in a global fund to facilitate partnerships in the implementation of follow-up commitments of all United Nations Conferences and the IMF/ WB/ WTO that promise to achieve the millennium goals. That labor and other civil society actors manage the fund autonomously.
3. That Core Labor Standards are incorporated into all global economic, financial, social and governance policies.”